Conservative Advocate: War on terrorism enters stage two
It is now clear that America’s War on Terrorism has entered its second stage, and that it is going to be less purely enjoyable than the first one.
After Sept. 11th, the world suddenly seemed much simpler. More dangerous, to be sure, but simpler. Osama bin Laden, his al Qaeda, and their protectors were the villains; America and its many loyal allies around the world were the good guys, easily distinguishable by their white hats. Moreover, the war’s first months, despite the warnings of The New York Times’ Johnny (“Quagmire”) Apple and his fellow doomsayers, brought nothing but good news. In an almost laughably short time the United States moved a portion of its huge military establishment 7,000 miles, wiped out the Taliban government of Afghanistan, and sent Osama bin Laden and his cronies fleeing for their lives. And over this inspiring scene there presided a young president of high principles, soaring oratory, and an inflexible will — the perfect leader for such a time. No wonder his approval ratings vaulted into the 80s, and stayed there.
There is no point in regretting that this stage of the war has passed. Its passing in no way reflects upon its validity. It was a glorious moment, but it was bound to be followed, as glorious moments always are, by others less obviously inspiring.
For one thing, the pursuit and destruction of al Qaeda has turned into a gritty battle for its remnants in the countless caves of Afghanistan and its neighboring countries, and even as far afield as Southeast Asia. Osama bin Laden and the top Taliban leader Muhammed Omar have not yet been killed or captured — though staying out of sight for a year or so is one thing, and staying out of sight forever quite another.
Moreover, President Bush’s agenda for winning the War on Terrorism turned out to have an additional provision. He knows that Iraq’s Saddam Hussein is close to developing nuclear weapons, and will have no compunction about using them (and also chemical and biological weapons) on the United States, with or even without Osama’s help. No responsible American president could possibly permit this to happen, so a change of regime in Iraq is vital. As soon as our European allies realized that this is Mr. Bush’s firm intention, most of them began backing away. So, of course, did the Muslim nations of the Middle East, which despise Saddam but know (like the Europeans) that his weapons of mass destruction are not intended for them.
Finally, Israel saw a golden opportunity to depict its struggle with the Palestinians as just another front in the worldwide war Mr. Bush had declared on terrorism — even though the Palestinian cause has far more support, in the world at large, than al Qaeda ever could. What’s more, as the Palestinian intifada against Israel escalated during the winter, Mr. Bush allowed his instinctive sympathy for the Israelis, and his revulsion at the tactic of suicide bombing, to push him dangerously close to abandoning America’s historic role as an “honest broker” in that controversy — further alienating our European allies and the nations of the Middle East. Major visits to the area by Vice President Cheney and Secretary of State Powell failed to improve matters in any visible way, and President Sharon certainly didn’t help things when he coolly disregarded Mr. Bush’s demands that he end Israel’s incursions into PLO territory.
Small wonder, then, that in recent weeks the War on Terrorism has looked less like an exhilarating march to quick victory than like a tedious and lonely slog through a murky swamp. And it is hardly surprising that Mr. Bush’s approval ratings have begun to drop from those incredible 80s to more sustainable — if still impressive — levels.
The American people have not lost their determination to win this war, even including the toppling of Saddam. But its real dimensions are becoming more apparent than they were in the heady days of November, December, and January. Stage Two is usually longer and uglier than Stage One. But it is the essential precondition to Stage Three.
(William Rusher is a Distinguished Fellow of the Claremont Institute for the Study of Statesmanship and Political Philosophy.)